The tariff wars unleashed by U.S. President Donald Trump are plunging the global economy into crisis.
This tariff crisis has heightened antagonism between capitalist states, while simultaneously igniting workers’ struggles within those states. Labour and the international left now face a strategic question: How do we foster international workers’ solidarity to resist all capitalist states, imperial powers and their wars?
Spring Magazine recently interviewed Stanley Ho, a Hong Kong diaspora trade unionist, about the struggles of Hong Kong workers and how to build international working-class solidarity. Stanley played an instrumental role in organizing the 40-day Hong Kong Dockers’ strike in 2013. He was elected as a district councillor for the Hong Kong Labour Party during the peak of the 2019 Hong Kong protests. In 2021, a year after the National Security Law was enacted, he resigned his seat along with over 200 pro-democracy district councillors who refused to vow allegiance to the Hong Kong government. Stanley subsequently relocated to the UK and took a position as policy and communication officer at the Trade Union Congress Wales. He is currently a Regional Organizer with the Public Service Alliance of Canada.
How did you become a trade unionist in Hong Kong?
It started when I was involved in a Christian fellowship as a college student in 2006. At that time, some brothers and sisters in the fellowship were concerned about public affairs, especially labour issues in Hong Kong. Hong Kong did not have legislation on minimum wage, so we raised public awareness and discussed why Hong Kong should implement a minimum wage to protect low-wage workers. We conducted numerous workplace surveys. We visited various workplaces and spoke with the workers, including janitors and security guards, as these are two of the lowest-wage professions in Hong Kong. We asked them how much they made per hour and day, and their responses shocked me because they worked extremely hard, yet their salaries were very low. After learning from the workers, we launched an advocacy campaign for a minimum wage. Then one day, one of my friends asked me if I wanted to become a labour organizer. I said “yes” and joined the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions (HKCTU) in 2010 as an organizer for the bus drivers’ and dock workers’ unions.
What is the history of the HKCTU? How far back does it go?
The HKCTU was established in 1990 in response to the Tiananmen Uprising and Massacre in Beijing the previous year. While Hong Kong was still a British colony at the time, the British and Beijing governments have signed an agreement to confirm that in 1997, Great Britain would hand over Hong Kong to China. So, in 1989, many union organizers and labour activists worried that Hong Kong workers would no longer have the freedom to organize after the handover. So, they decided to organize most of the independent labour unions into a federation to strengthen their collective power. HKCTU members worked collectively to advance an independent workers’ agenda and advocate to the British government on labour issues, including minimum wage and collective bargaining.
To be clear, HKCTU was not the only labour federation in Hong Kong. What sets HKCTU apart is that it was an independent union federation, and it was involved in political struggles, especially the struggles for democracy. We don’t want our workers to focus only on economic struggles. We educate our members about their political rights and encourage them to participate in political struggles.
Before the Hong Kong handover to China in 1997, HKCTU was able to work with the Hong Kong government and discuss labour issues with them. However, the relationship began to deteriorate after the handover. Beijing wanted to control everything in Hong Kong, including labour, and the Hong Kong government had to comply. Over time, the HKCTU’s trust in the Hong Kong government was eroded. We see that the Hong Kong government has become merely a representative of Beijing, rather than the people of Hong Kong. We believed we could no longer discuss labour issues with the Hong Kong government, so we shifted our tactics to protests, rallies, and marches and reached out to international unions to support Hong Kong workers.
What barriers do workers in Hong Kong face when organizing for their betterment? Are there many people in unionized work there? Are laws set up to enable collective bargaining?
If I remember correctly, only around 30% of the Hong Kong labour force is unionized. They’re organized into many small unions. The majority of unionized workers are in the public sector. It is more difficult to organize private sector workers, especially after the implementation of the National Security Law. I must say that most public sector unions tend to be hierarchical and conservative. I think it is because, generally, Hong Kong public sector workers have better working conditions than those in the private sector, so public sector unions tend to focus on defending what they already have and are less inclined to advocate for progressive ideas or participate in social movements, such as the pro-democracy movement.
In the period leading up to the 1997 handover, HKCTU, with the support of the pro-democracy legislators, successfully passed a bill granting workers the right to collective bargaining. It was a historical victory at that time. However, after the 1997 handover, the first law that the Beijing government repealed was the collective bargaining law. That was because the Beijing government knew workers’ rights to collective bargaining would weaken their ruling power. They don’t want Hong Kong workers to have the power to confront the employers or the government. So, yes, we had a collective bargaining law in effect for about two months before it was repealed, and today, there is no specific law mandating collective bargaining.
In 2019, there was a massive movement against the introduction of extradition laws to Hong Kong. Did labour unions play a part in that?
This is a good question! In the movement’s early days, around June 2019, most unions affiliated with HKCTU wanted to participate in the struggles. I remember that at that time, we were doing a lot of demonstrations with our union affiliates. I also remember HKCTU discussing the possibility of planning a general strike. We called for a general strike two or three times, but we were not very successful because it takes time to mobilize workers to join, and the political conditions we were in were changing very rapidly during that period.
Another role that HKCTU played during the 2019 movement was helping a vast number of workers unionize their workplaces. During the 2019 protests, many workers, especially young workers, wanted to unionize their workplaces. These workers sought support from HKCTU, and we provided them with organizers, financial assistance, and space for their organizing meetings. I recall that during the 2019 protest, HKCTU helped to establish at least one hundred new trade unions. In Hong Kong, you only need seven workers to form a union, so you can now imagine that many small unions across different sectors were able to form during the 2019 protests. After the workers formed their unions, they established political agendas and then organized strike actions within their respective sectors. The new unions worked together, and HKCTU supported their efforts from behind. This mechanism resulted in various demonstrations, rallies and marches, until the National Security Law was legislated in 2020.
When the National Security Law was legislated, many of the new unions that were formed in 2019 self-dissolved out of fear. The National Security Law criminalizes collusion with foreign powers, and pro-Beijing media and politicians accused the HKCTU of being a foreign agent. So, those new unions self-dissolved out of fear that they would be criminalized for having worked with the HKCTU.
Following those protests and the jailing of the HKCTU general secretary, members voted to dissolve the group, and it is no longer in existence. What have been the effects of that for workers in Hong Kong?
The HKCTU was an influential part of Hong Kong’s civil society. When we voiced our opinions about labour issues to the people of Hong Kong, we could influence public discourse and gain public support. As an independent workers’ organization, HKCTU was not influenced by Beijing or business groups. This allowed us to advocate for an independent workers’ agenda. At the same time, we were educating workers about labour issues and organizing them. So, after HKCTU was dissolved, the voice of organized labour in challenging the ruling class disappeared. There is no collective independent labour voice in Hong Kong anymore. Now, everything went underground. Workers are suffering.
To be fair, there are still some progressive unions in Hong Kong trying their best to voice labour issues. But they are constantly facing consequences for their independent ideas.
Moreover, HKCTU represented Hong Kong workers within the international labour movement. We were highly engaged in international union bodies. We always sent Hong Kong workers to international labour conferences because we believe in the power of international workers’ solidarity. With the dissolution of HKCTU, the Hong Kong labour movement is now isolated from the international labour movements. This is because the ruling class does not want Hong Kong workers to establish relationships with international labour unions or join international union federations. The government categorizes international union bodies as foreign forces, and the National Security Law criminalizes local organizations collaborating with foreign forces.
The National Security Law has stripped the people of Hong Kong of their freedom. It suppresses people’s right to organize collectively to challenge the regime. It is being used to prevent workers from organizing. However, Hong Kong workers have continued to fight. I recall that two to three years ago, food delivery workers in Hong Kong organized themselves to fight for a pay rise and better working conditions. They used the app on their mobile phones to plan a strike action. Although their strike only lasted for a day, it was widely reported by the media because it was one of the rare instances where Hong Kong workers collectively fought for their labour rights after the National Security Law was enacted.
Could you tell us about your successful campaign with Hong Kong dockworkers?
I was part of a team with two other organizers, working together to organize the dock workers in the Hong Kong Kwai Chung Container Port. At that time, dock workers in Hong Kong suffered from low wages and extremely long working hours. These workers were employed by numerous subcontracting companies, but they all faced the same horrific working conditions and extremely low pay. They were required to work 24-hour shifts and even up to 72 hours during the busy season. They had no designated break period during their shifts and had to seize any brief moments to rest and eat between the arrival of cargo vessels at the terminal. Hong Kong did not have a collective bargaining law, so the dock workers had no legal means to get the employers to negotiate with them.
Kwai Chung Container Port is an important port in the Asia Pacific region, but at the same time, it has some of the worst working conditions. The port’s owner is the well-known Hong Kong billionaire Li Ka-shing, the wealthiest man in Hong Kong.
Before our campaign, the people of Hong Kong were unaware of what was happening in their port. So, we launched media campaigns. We organized demonstrations, rallies, and marches to create awareness and generate public support. It was a massive shock to the public when our campaign uncovered the inhumane working conditions suffered by the dock workers, and we started to receive enormous public support.
Despite the enormous public support for the workers, the employers refused to engage in negotiations. So, in March 2013, about 450 dock workers marched inside the terminal holding their banners and started a strike that lasted for 40 days. In the end, the workers settled for a deal. We secured a 9.8% pay rise, shorter work shifts, and other small wins, including the provision of air conditioning and drinking water in the workers’ restrooms. Those were small reforms but huge improvements to the workers’ working conditions. It was a tough fight, but the workers were satisfied in the end. They said, “This is not the end,” and “We will continue to fight for better conditions.”
One remarkable part of the strike was the support the Hong Kong dock workers received from international labour unions. The Maritime Union of Australia and several American dock workers’ unions sent their representatives to Hong Kong to show solidarity and stand in support of the striking workers on the picket line. Their international union solidarity was phenomenal. I felt so touched by it, and I know the Hong Kong dock workers felt the same.
Within the context of the ongoing US tariff wars, what can workers in North America do to build solidarity with workers in Hong Kong and China?
This is a good question. I believe that many labour activists and leftists are trapped in the idea of “either America or China.” They argue that confronting American imperialism means supporting China. It’s understandable why they think that, as China currently is the only state powerful enough to challenge the US. But that is not the correct stance to take. The ruling classes in both of these countries are exploiting workers inside and outside their borders, especially the workers in the global south. We must be critical of the ruling classes of both states; we must stand on the side of the workers.
I want to share a story. During my master’s degree at McMaster University in Hamilton, I worked as a Teaching Assistant and member of CUPE 3906. In my final year, I attempted to organize an educational webinar on Hong Kong’s labour movements for my classmates. I collaborated with the Hong Kong Labour Rights Monitor, CUPE 3906, and Solidarity Place in Hamilton. Initially, we all worked well together. Then, one day, when we had our local union meeting, a group of Chinese international students attended the meeting and spoke with the executive committee. They stated that my local union should not collaborate with the Hong Kong Labour Rights Monitor because they claimed that it was a racist and violent group. They claimed that the Hong Kong Labour Rights Monitor was responsible for the political troubles in Hong Kong because it incited people to fight the police. And my former local did not know how to respond. They were quiet. I was frustrated that my local union couldn’t decide who they should support. Who are their brothers and sisters? I think it was because they were afraid of being labelled as supporting a “racist organization.” Later, they raised a motion to not collaborate with the Hong Kong Labour Rights Monitor and subsequently voted to support it. That upsets me because CUPE 3906 had always claimed to have international solidarity, but they failed when the time came to demonstrate it.
Canadian workers should pay attention to the political situation in Hong Kong and its impact on Hong Kong Workers. Hong Kong workers are fighting the same struggles that many workers around the world are fighting. They are being exploited by the same multinational corporations that exploit workers in Canada and other countries. They suffer from low wages and bad working conditions, and they lack their own representatives who can advocate for their labour rights.
Canadian unions should also tell the stories of Hong Kong workers’ struggles, perhaps at their conferences. Canadian unions and workers can ask their political representatives to speak in parliament about the Hong Kong people’s struggles because the world is currently silent about the struggles of Hong Kong workers, and we need you to speak up.
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